Wednesday, 20 May 2015
goalparia lokogeet
The folk songs of Goalpara
The folk songs of Goalpara are classified into three groups such as Bhawaiya, Chatka and Dehatattwa.
Bhawaiya
The word Bhawaiya is derived from the word ‘Bhal’ which reveals the expression and emotion. It has a amorous theme and depict love affairs enchanting captivating and melodious with romantic song’s lyrics on love loss and separation touches the heart of all who listen-
‘na kandish na kandish re Bhelowa
Rati nisha kale tor Bhelowar
Kandon suni a Mon mor naray ghari’
Don’t weep o Bhelowa (pecan)
At dead of night on listening you weeping
I cannot keep my mind at home’
Chatka
Chatka songs are hilarious in nature. The chatka songs are rhythmic and melodic and are sung in fast tempo.
‘Dholi tore mai shundori tore maai
duyujone jhukti kori chol paleya jai’
oti Jodi hoi gondogol
Ek doure cholia jabo moruch barir ghor
Oti ache bara mama adol.’
Oh my fair lady and pretty sister let us planto fed away
If there arises any problem
We will runway to Maruch Basi ‘kol(a name of plea)
When Baraman’s eldest maternalumekle
Will welcome us’
Dehatatta
Thistype of songexpresses the transitory ness of human life and the futility of maternities. These devotional songs also contain the spiritual and philosophical implications.
“ o jibon re jibon charia na jaan moke
tui ijbon charia gaile adar koribe
kai jibon re
Kachapatar pani je mamre
Jiban tol-bol tol-bol kare
shei moto manusher jibon
kondi dholia pore”
Life and body are temporary aspect of existence. This human existence is like the drop of water upon the leaves of arum plant. As long as the soul exist in the human body one could enjoy its charm. But as soon as the breath ceases out from a self the dead body is taken to cremation ground or to the graveyard to turn into ashes and dust.
Mahut and Moishal geet
There are other two types of songs based on the theme of ‘moishal’, i.e. buffalo grazing and ‘mahut’, i.e. elephant catching which formed a prominent part of Goalparia Lokgeet. The Mahut and Moishal geet catch the listener’s imagination because of their sweet and convincing words.
Mahut geet
Hastir kanya hastir kanya
Bamonero nari Mathai nia Tam Koloshi O
hate sonar jhari sakhi
o mor hai Hastir Konya re
Khani Ko doya nai Mahuter lagiare
Aio chari long sonar puri
Bia koria charia asilong o
ghare alpo Baisher nari ete..
An elepant driver asks a village woman whether she has no sympathy for him at all. She takes a pitcher made of copper on her head and a vessel made of gong metal in her hand. An elephant driver persuades her asking whether she has no sympathy for him sensing all endanger he has come to the place for hunting. He has left behind his home and his wife with whom he has recently been fastened in wedlock.
Moishal geet
Bathan charo Bathan charo re
Moishal ghuria aisa bari
juba narik ghorot thoiya
koi koro chakari Moishal re
golar har bechiya dim
na korish chakri Moishal re
Complaining for loneliness and boredom the newly married wife appeals to her husband working in diary firm (bathan) to leave the service and come back home to stay with her. She is even ready to sell her necklace for repaying the wages taken by her husband from the owner of the firm.
Apart from the folk songs mentioned above there are several types of songs such as songs of Radha-Krishna, Krishna geet, Marriage song, Bechaya Khawa, etc. Besides these there are another variety of songs on religious and rituals known as Kati Puja, Manasha Puja, Hudum Puja, etc. which are performed by the women. Folk songs and dances are indispensable in the ceremony. The puja is done relating to the folk belief. Another important folk festival need’ mention here. The religious festival is called Charak Puja which is celebrated by the people in grand manner. There are also references to drama dance and acting called Kushanderiving from Kusha and Laava in Valmiki’s Ramayana. Among the musical instruments accompanying the folk songs of Goalpara includes Dotara, Bena, Dhak, Dhol, Khol, Flute and Cymbals etc.
The folk songs of undivided Goalpara have got universal appeal. It influences the old and the young the rich and the poor all alike. It refreshes the mind and elevates the soul with the objectives in minds. Sincere attempts should be made to take interest in the preservation and progress of the sublime traditional folk music and drama.
It has been observed that with the passage of time certain changes have taken place and undergone improvisation with the evolution of society. But if improvisation in the name of modernity distorts the traditional culture which is a serious threat to the folk songs. (Barua N. , 2015)
The folk songs of Goalpara are classified into three groups such as Bhawaiya, Chatka and Dehatattwa.
Bhawaiya
The word Bhawaiya is derived from the word ‘Bhal’ which reveals the expression and emotion. It has a amorous theme and depict love affairs enchanting captivating and melodious with romantic song’s lyrics on love loss and separation touches the heart of all who listen-
‘na kandish na kandish re Bhelowa
Rati nisha kale tor Bhelowar
Kandon suni a Mon mor naray ghari’
Don’t weep o Bhelowa (pecan)
At dead of night on listening you weeping
I cannot keep my mind at home’
Chatka
Chatka songs are hilarious in nature. The chatka songs are rhythmic and melodic and are sung in fast tempo.
‘Dholi tore mai shundori tore maai
duyujone jhukti kori chol paleya jai’
oti Jodi hoi gondogol
Ek doure cholia jabo moruch barir ghor
Oti ache bara mama adol.’
Oh my fair lady and pretty sister let us planto fed away
If there arises any problem
We will runway to Maruch Basi ‘kol(a name of plea)
When Baraman’s eldest maternalumekle
Will welcome us’
Dehatatta
Thistype of songexpresses the transitory ness of human life and the futility of maternities. These devotional songs also contain the spiritual and philosophical implications.
“ o jibon re jibon charia na jaan moke
tui ijbon charia gaile adar koribe
kai jibon re
Kachapatar pani je mamre
Jiban tol-bol tol-bol kare
shei moto manusher jibon
kondi dholia pore”
Life and body are temporary aspect of existence. This human existence is like the drop of water upon the leaves of arum plant. As long as the soul exist in the human body one could enjoy its charm. But as soon as the breath ceases out from a self the dead body is taken to cremation ground or to the graveyard to turn into ashes and dust.
Mahut and Moishal geet
There are other two types of songs based on the theme of ‘moishal’, i.e. buffalo grazing and ‘mahut’, i.e. elephant catching which formed a prominent part of Goalparia Lokgeet. The Mahut and Moishal geet catch the listener’s imagination because of their sweet and convincing words.
Mahut geet
Hastir kanya hastir kanya
Bamonero nari Mathai nia Tam Koloshi O
hate sonar jhari sakhi
o mor hai Hastir Konya re
Khani Ko doya nai Mahuter lagiare
Aio chari long sonar puri
Bia koria charia asilong o
ghare alpo Baisher nari ete..
An elepant driver asks a village woman whether she has no sympathy for him at all. She takes a pitcher made of copper on her head and a vessel made of gong metal in her hand. An elephant driver persuades her asking whether she has no sympathy for him sensing all endanger he has come to the place for hunting. He has left behind his home and his wife with whom he has recently been fastened in wedlock.
Moishal geet
Bathan charo Bathan charo re
Moishal ghuria aisa bari
juba narik ghorot thoiya
koi koro chakari Moishal re
golar har bechiya dim
na korish chakri Moishal re
Complaining for loneliness and boredom the newly married wife appeals to her husband working in diary firm (bathan) to leave the service and come back home to stay with her. She is even ready to sell her necklace for repaying the wages taken by her husband from the owner of the firm.
Apart from the folk songs mentioned above there are several types of songs such as songs of Radha-Krishna, Krishna geet, Marriage song, Bechaya Khawa, etc. Besides these there are another variety of songs on religious and rituals known as Kati Puja, Manasha Puja, Hudum Puja, etc. which are performed by the women. Folk songs and dances are indispensable in the ceremony. The puja is done relating to the folk belief. Another important folk festival need’ mention here. The religious festival is called Charak Puja which is celebrated by the people in grand manner. There are also references to drama dance and acting called Kushanderiving from Kusha and Laava in Valmiki’s Ramayana. Among the musical instruments accompanying the folk songs of Goalpara includes Dotara, Bena, Dhak, Dhol, Khol, Flute and Cymbals etc.
The folk songs of undivided Goalpara have got universal appeal. It influences the old and the young the rich and the poor all alike. It refreshes the mind and elevates the soul with the objectives in minds. Sincere attempts should be made to take interest in the preservation and progress of the sublime traditional folk music and drama.
It has been observed that with the passage of time certain changes have taken place and undergone improvisation with the evolution of society. But if improvisation in the name of modernity distorts the traditional culture which is a serious threat to the folk songs. (Barua N. , 2015)
goalpariya musical modes and instruments
Goyalparia Musical Modes and Instruments
Musical Modes
The various types of folk-music of the region have different kinds of melodic and rhythmic patterns. While some of the musical structures of the eastern parts are more or less akin to those of the contiguous areas of the Kamrup region, the bulk of the musical modes of the region, especially of the western parts, have a close affinity with those of the neighbouring districts of North Bengal.
The tunes of most of the songs of religious and ritualistic associations have a repetitive and rather monotonous quality. They are also set to simple rhythmic patterns. So it is with the narrative songs of the folk-plays in general. Of course the choral embellishments of such songs add some zest to them. However, considerable variation in both melodic and rhythmic structures are found in the Padmapuran and Marai-gan songs. Among the songs with a religious or spiritual content, the Jhali-mati songs have fairly rich variety and intricacy of musical modes, both melodic and rhythmic.
The songs of female association, like the marriage songs, Shitilar-nam and Gupuni-nam, have simple yet attractive melodies. The marriage songs in particular have a lilting quality. The rhyme like songs, such as the Ori songs, have elementary musical patterns with a very limited combination of notes.
But the most important and distinctive musical modes of this region are the Bhawaiya and the Chatka that are extremely popular in west Goalpara and large areas of North Bengal. They are, as indicated earlier, as much of two types of lyrical compositions as two distinct melodic patterns.
The Bhawaiya is characterised by slow and floating movements with a tendency to linger on some particular notes. (Biswas, 10th year) A sentiment of pathos dominates the style of its rendition. A Chatka has fast and rather jerky movements and the prevailing mood is one of gaiety and mirth. Though musically the Bhawaiya has some affinity with the Bhatiyali of East Bengal, it is by no means a variation of the latter as wrongly assumed by some: it is very much of an independent and distinct style. (S.Chakrabarty)
Many folksongs of Kamrup also have the basic melodic and rhythmic structures of the Bhawaiya and the Chatka. We are giving below a few specimen notations of songs of the Bhawaiya and Chatka styles:
Note:
S stands for Sa
R stands for Re
G stands for Ga
g stands for Komal Ga
M stands for Ma
D stands for Dha
N stands for Ni
n stands for Komal Ni
S’ stands for Sa (inthehigheroctave)
n, stands for Komal Ga (in the lower octave)
P, stands for Pa (in the lower octave)
(i) A typical Bhawaiya melody of Goalpara:
+ O + O
_ _ M P G _ M _ P _ D P D _ n _
_ _ Na Kan Di sh Na _ Kan dish Re Bhe lo wa _
_ _ _ _ D n D P _ _ P D D M P _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Rat ri _ Ni sha _
(ii) A mahut song : an interesting variation of the Bhawaiya type:
+
S _ S S
Ha s ti r O
R _ R G
Ka _ nya _ +
S R R S
Ha s ti r O
S _ S S
Ka _ nya _
G M M M
Ba _ mo _
P P D n
Ne _ ro _
P D P _
Na _ ri _
_ _ _ _
_ _ _ _
(iii) A typical Chatka somg:
+
S S S
Dho u li O
R G _
Mo re _ +
R _ _
Mai _ _ O
_ R G
_ Su n
S S S
Da ri _ R G _
Mo re _ R _ _
Mai _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _
Musical Instruments
The following are the important musical instruments of Goalpara. Some of them are also popular in North Bengal.
String Instruments
The dotara: Literally meaning two-stringed, the Dotara or Dotra is a four-stringed stroking instrument. The two centre strings separate onlyat the bridge and provide the tonic note, the first and fourth strings providing the notes above and below respectively. The body is shaped from one piece of wood with the belly hollowed out and covered with iguana skin. The strings are of Muga silk and the striker is made of ivory or buffalo horn. It is used to accompany different types of songs, specially the Bhawaiya and Chatkas. It is also the instrument which gives its name to the Dotra-gan form of folk-drama.
The sarinda: It is a bowing instrument. It is also made of one piece wood but is shorter than the Dotara and has a wider base. There are two hollows the lower one being covered with skin. The strings are made of twined Muga threads. The bow is very similar to that of a violin.
The bena: The Bena is a one-stringed instrument with a wooden cup as the resonator. A bamboo stick passes through the cup. One end of the string is attached to one end of the stick and the other end passes over a bridge placed on the skin covering the cup. It is played with a small bow. It is used almost exclusively in the Kushan type of folk drama.
The Ektara, the Ras-madli and the Tendra are all one-stringed stroking instruments, not very commonly used. They are generally favoured by the mendicant singers.
Percussion Instruments
The khol: It is the most commonly used percussion instrument for accompaniment. It is used not only in singing the Samkirtan type of songs but is also essential in such dramatic and semi-dramatic institutions are the Kushan-gan, the Dotra-gan and the Padma-puran.
It is an earthen cylinder, fatter at the middle, with one head bigger than the other. Two leather pieces are attached to the two rinds. The bigger end gives the bass sound while the sound given by the other has a higher and sharper pitch.
A peculiar type of Khol, known as Mati is used in singing Jhali-mati songs. The cylinder of this Khol is not fatter at the middle but it tapers gradually from the bigger to the smaller head.
The dhak: It is a big-size drum with a straight wooden cylinder, both the sides being covered with skin. However, the drummer beats on only one side with two sticks and the other side acts as the resonator. The sound it emits is very strong and sharp. The Dhak is played in such religious ceremonies as Durga Puja, Lakshmi Puja, Kali Puja, etc. but it has a special place in the Kati Puja and Charak Puja ceremonies. The Kati Puja dance and the KaliChandi dance cannot be thought of without the playing of the appropriate beats of the Dhak.
The dhol: The Dhol is another big drum which is played with a stick on one side and with a hand on the other. Unlike in the Dhak the cylinder slightly bulges towards the middle, is made of thicker wood and the leather used on the beating sides is also heavier. There are bracing cords and metal hooks with which the skins can be loosened and tightened according to need.
The Dhol is generally played in combination with the Karka and the Shanai, both described below. The Dhol and the Karka are also essential for the Bas Puja and Madarer Bas ceremonies and the dances of those names.
The karka: The Karka is a kind of snare drum with short wooden cylinder, one end being slightly wider than the other. Both ends are covered with skin but only the bigger side is beaten upon with two small sticks. It gives out sharp rattling notes.
In some parts it is called the Thertheri and in others Tasi.
The nagras: The Nagras, played in pairs, are like kettle-drums with earthen hemispheres. They are beaten upon with two sticks and are almost exclusively used in the singing of congregational devotional songs of the Assam Vaishnava School.
Wind Instruments
The shanai: It is a wood-wind instrument with a long concial body, to one end of which is fitted a palm-leaf mouthpieces slightly resembling the oboe. It has a nasal and penetrating tone quality. It is played mostly in a dhol-band, particularly in marriages.
The much-basi: it is a peculiar kind of flute. Apart from a sound-producing device it also has a wind-preserving device because of which a continuous sound can be produced on it. (thus it is like a small modified version of the bagpipeilike flute used by the snake charmers). It is made of bamboo cylinder and the mouthpiece is fitted with a ring-like bamboo attachment of the bigger diameter into which wind is constantly blown from the mouth. It is this flute(basi) which is played with Basipuran songs and some parties also use it to accompany Padma-puran songs. It is also called Bam-basi by some.
Cymbals
The juri: The most common type of cymbals are called Juri. They are small slightly concave round metal pieces with holes at the centre. Strings are attached to them through the holes. The player twines the strings to his fingers and plays them by striking one with the other, producing sharp notes. They are generally played in combination with the Khol. But sometimes they are also played independently to keep time with some songs, say in a Boisna-tali performance of a narrative song.
The khupi-tal: these are smaller and hollower cymbals used in some parts in singing Marai songs. The player generally ties both the pieces in one hand and plays them by striking each other by skilful movements of the hand in the same fashion as in the Oja-Pali of Kamrup and Darrang. This is called Khuti-tal in other parts of Assam.
The ghau-tal: They are very big-size cymbals each weighing several pounds and producing very strong clanging and booming sounds. They look like big metal hats. They are used in singing congregational Vaishnava devotional songs in the eastern parts. They are extremely popular throughout the rest of Assam as the Bhor-tal (believed to be of Bhot or Tibetan origin.)
The jhali: They are peculiar cymbals, bigger than the Juri and Khupi-tai and smaller than the Ghau-tal. But they are almost flat and much thinner. They are used exclusively in singing Jhalimati songs.
Musical Instruments of the Tribal People of Goalpara region
The important instruments of the Bodos are:
(1) The khum: a large-size drum neaten on with the hands.
(2) The siphung: a long bamboo flute with five holes.
(3) The serja (also called serenja): the same instrument as sarinda described above.
(4) The jotha: small cymbals similar to the Juri cymbals described above.
(5) The gangana: a kind of jew’s harp made of bamboo, played mostly by young women.
(6) The tharka: made of a piece of bamboo split into two, used particularly by young women to keep time while singing.
The two last-named instruments are very widely used in the Bihu music of Assam.
The list of Rabha instruments is longer, some of the items being very peculiar:
The Hem or Madal or Dhak: a big-size drum similar to the Kham above.
The Brangsing: a flute with four holes.
The Lakhar or Laukhar flute: a more primitive kind of flute with two holes.
The Badungdupa: an instrument made of an unsplit piece of bamboo with four strings raised from its body, which are struck with two small sticks.
The Buburenga: an instrument made of a kind of grass.
The Manselengka: a kind pf time-keeping instrument made of bamboo with a peculiar pilley-like device to work it.
The Karha nal: a peculiar bamboo pipe several feet long.
The Gamena: the jew’s harp. (Dutta) .
Musical Modes
The various types of folk-music of the region have different kinds of melodic and rhythmic patterns. While some of the musical structures of the eastern parts are more or less akin to those of the contiguous areas of the Kamrup region, the bulk of the musical modes of the region, especially of the western parts, have a close affinity with those of the neighbouring districts of North Bengal.
The tunes of most of the songs of religious and ritualistic associations have a repetitive and rather monotonous quality. They are also set to simple rhythmic patterns. So it is with the narrative songs of the folk-plays in general. Of course the choral embellishments of such songs add some zest to them. However, considerable variation in both melodic and rhythmic structures are found in the Padmapuran and Marai-gan songs. Among the songs with a religious or spiritual content, the Jhali-mati songs have fairly rich variety and intricacy of musical modes, both melodic and rhythmic.
The songs of female association, like the marriage songs, Shitilar-nam and Gupuni-nam, have simple yet attractive melodies. The marriage songs in particular have a lilting quality. The rhyme like songs, such as the Ori songs, have elementary musical patterns with a very limited combination of notes.
But the most important and distinctive musical modes of this region are the Bhawaiya and the Chatka that are extremely popular in west Goalpara and large areas of North Bengal. They are, as indicated earlier, as much of two types of lyrical compositions as two distinct melodic patterns.
The Bhawaiya is characterised by slow and floating movements with a tendency to linger on some particular notes. (Biswas, 10th year) A sentiment of pathos dominates the style of its rendition. A Chatka has fast and rather jerky movements and the prevailing mood is one of gaiety and mirth. Though musically the Bhawaiya has some affinity with the Bhatiyali of East Bengal, it is by no means a variation of the latter as wrongly assumed by some: it is very much of an independent and distinct style. (S.Chakrabarty)
Many folksongs of Kamrup also have the basic melodic and rhythmic structures of the Bhawaiya and the Chatka. We are giving below a few specimen notations of songs of the Bhawaiya and Chatka styles:
Note:
S stands for Sa
R stands for Re
G stands for Ga
g stands for Komal Ga
M stands for Ma
D stands for Dha
N stands for Ni
n stands for Komal Ni
S’ stands for Sa (inthehigheroctave)
n, stands for Komal Ga (in the lower octave)
P, stands for Pa (in the lower octave)
(i) A typical Bhawaiya melody of Goalpara:
+ O + O
_ _ M P G _ M _ P _ D P D _ n _
_ _ Na Kan Di sh Na _ Kan dish Re Bhe lo wa _
_ _ _ _ D n D P _ _ P D D M P _
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Rat ri _ Ni sha _
(ii) A mahut song : an interesting variation of the Bhawaiya type:
+
S _ S S
Ha s ti r O
R _ R G
Ka _ nya _ +
S R R S
Ha s ti r O
S _ S S
Ka _ nya _
G M M M
Ba _ mo _
P P D n
Ne _ ro _
P D P _
Na _ ri _
_ _ _ _
_ _ _ _
(iii) A typical Chatka somg:
+
S S S
Dho u li O
R G _
Mo re _ +
R _ _
Mai _ _ O
_ R G
_ Su n
S S S
Da ri _ R G _
Mo re _ R _ _
Mai _ _ _ _ _
_ _ _
Musical Instruments
The following are the important musical instruments of Goalpara. Some of them are also popular in North Bengal.
String Instruments
The dotara: Literally meaning two-stringed, the Dotara or Dotra is a four-stringed stroking instrument. The two centre strings separate onlyat the bridge and provide the tonic note, the first and fourth strings providing the notes above and below respectively. The body is shaped from one piece of wood with the belly hollowed out and covered with iguana skin. The strings are of Muga silk and the striker is made of ivory or buffalo horn. It is used to accompany different types of songs, specially the Bhawaiya and Chatkas. It is also the instrument which gives its name to the Dotra-gan form of folk-drama.
The sarinda: It is a bowing instrument. It is also made of one piece wood but is shorter than the Dotara and has a wider base. There are two hollows the lower one being covered with skin. The strings are made of twined Muga threads. The bow is very similar to that of a violin.
The bena: The Bena is a one-stringed instrument with a wooden cup as the resonator. A bamboo stick passes through the cup. One end of the string is attached to one end of the stick and the other end passes over a bridge placed on the skin covering the cup. It is played with a small bow. It is used almost exclusively in the Kushan type of folk drama.
The Ektara, the Ras-madli and the Tendra are all one-stringed stroking instruments, not very commonly used. They are generally favoured by the mendicant singers.
Percussion Instruments
The khol: It is the most commonly used percussion instrument for accompaniment. It is used not only in singing the Samkirtan type of songs but is also essential in such dramatic and semi-dramatic institutions are the Kushan-gan, the Dotra-gan and the Padma-puran.
It is an earthen cylinder, fatter at the middle, with one head bigger than the other. Two leather pieces are attached to the two rinds. The bigger end gives the bass sound while the sound given by the other has a higher and sharper pitch.
A peculiar type of Khol, known as Mati is used in singing Jhali-mati songs. The cylinder of this Khol is not fatter at the middle but it tapers gradually from the bigger to the smaller head.
The dhak: It is a big-size drum with a straight wooden cylinder, both the sides being covered with skin. However, the drummer beats on only one side with two sticks and the other side acts as the resonator. The sound it emits is very strong and sharp. The Dhak is played in such religious ceremonies as Durga Puja, Lakshmi Puja, Kali Puja, etc. but it has a special place in the Kati Puja and Charak Puja ceremonies. The Kati Puja dance and the KaliChandi dance cannot be thought of without the playing of the appropriate beats of the Dhak.
The dhol: The Dhol is another big drum which is played with a stick on one side and with a hand on the other. Unlike in the Dhak the cylinder slightly bulges towards the middle, is made of thicker wood and the leather used on the beating sides is also heavier. There are bracing cords and metal hooks with which the skins can be loosened and tightened according to need.
The Dhol is generally played in combination with the Karka and the Shanai, both described below. The Dhol and the Karka are also essential for the Bas Puja and Madarer Bas ceremonies and the dances of those names.
The karka: The Karka is a kind of snare drum with short wooden cylinder, one end being slightly wider than the other. Both ends are covered with skin but only the bigger side is beaten upon with two small sticks. It gives out sharp rattling notes.
In some parts it is called the Thertheri and in others Tasi.
The nagras: The Nagras, played in pairs, are like kettle-drums with earthen hemispheres. They are beaten upon with two sticks and are almost exclusively used in the singing of congregational devotional songs of the Assam Vaishnava School.
Wind Instruments
The shanai: It is a wood-wind instrument with a long concial body, to one end of which is fitted a palm-leaf mouthpieces slightly resembling the oboe. It has a nasal and penetrating tone quality. It is played mostly in a dhol-band, particularly in marriages.
The much-basi: it is a peculiar kind of flute. Apart from a sound-producing device it also has a wind-preserving device because of which a continuous sound can be produced on it. (thus it is like a small modified version of the bagpipeilike flute used by the snake charmers). It is made of bamboo cylinder and the mouthpiece is fitted with a ring-like bamboo attachment of the bigger diameter into which wind is constantly blown from the mouth. It is this flute(basi) which is played with Basipuran songs and some parties also use it to accompany Padma-puran songs. It is also called Bam-basi by some.
Cymbals
The juri: The most common type of cymbals are called Juri. They are small slightly concave round metal pieces with holes at the centre. Strings are attached to them through the holes. The player twines the strings to his fingers and plays them by striking one with the other, producing sharp notes. They are generally played in combination with the Khol. But sometimes they are also played independently to keep time with some songs, say in a Boisna-tali performance of a narrative song.
The khupi-tal: these are smaller and hollower cymbals used in some parts in singing Marai songs. The player generally ties both the pieces in one hand and plays them by striking each other by skilful movements of the hand in the same fashion as in the Oja-Pali of Kamrup and Darrang. This is called Khuti-tal in other parts of Assam.
The ghau-tal: They are very big-size cymbals each weighing several pounds and producing very strong clanging and booming sounds. They look like big metal hats. They are used in singing congregational Vaishnava devotional songs in the eastern parts. They are extremely popular throughout the rest of Assam as the Bhor-tal (believed to be of Bhot or Tibetan origin.)
The jhali: They are peculiar cymbals, bigger than the Juri and Khupi-tai and smaller than the Ghau-tal. But they are almost flat and much thinner. They are used exclusively in singing Jhalimati songs.
Musical Instruments of the Tribal People of Goalpara region
The important instruments of the Bodos are:
(1) The khum: a large-size drum neaten on with the hands.
(2) The siphung: a long bamboo flute with five holes.
(3) The serja (also called serenja): the same instrument as sarinda described above.
(4) The jotha: small cymbals similar to the Juri cymbals described above.
(5) The gangana: a kind of jew’s harp made of bamboo, played mostly by young women.
(6) The tharka: made of a piece of bamboo split into two, used particularly by young women to keep time while singing.
The two last-named instruments are very widely used in the Bihu music of Assam.
The list of Rabha instruments is longer, some of the items being very peculiar:
The Hem or Madal or Dhak: a big-size drum similar to the Kham above.
The Brangsing: a flute with four holes.
The Lakhar or Laukhar flute: a more primitive kind of flute with two holes.
The Badungdupa: an instrument made of an unsplit piece of bamboo with four strings raised from its body, which are struck with two small sticks.
The Buburenga: an instrument made of a kind of grass.
The Manselengka: a kind pf time-keeping instrument made of bamboo with a peculiar pilley-like device to work it.
The Karha nal: a peculiar bamboo pipe several feet long.
The Gamena: the jew’s harp. (Dutta) .
semi dramatic institutions of goalparia folk
Semi-Dramatic Institutions:
By Semi-Dramatic Institution we mean Dramatic Material Incorporated in Some Religious and Ritualistic Performances. For example, Padmapuran or Marai performances have much in common with the important folk-drama form: there is a leading singer (Mul or Gital) who carries a whisk. There are a number of assistants (Pail or Paila) who provide both the choric support and the musical accompaniment. And there is also the provision of breaks (bhangti) for dramatic dialogues between the leader and the principal assistant. But there is generally no regular acting, only some symbolic representations of episodes of the story. For example, Lakhindar’s death and his return to life are represented respectively by placing the whisk on the ground and then lifting it up. However, in the Marai-gan performances of south Goalpara, such dramatic representations are much more realistic and elaborate. For example, the return of the merchant Chando to his home after the disaster of his fleet is enacted, most vividly. A man made up as Chando with jute hair and beard appears on the stage. There ensures a scene in which the Deodhani takes up the role of Saneka. The discomfiture of Chando, who is most shabbily treated by Saneka as she fails to recognise him, provide much amusement to the audience. (T.C.Khakhlari) In some south Goalpara Marai performances, again, the Deodhani also gives mimetic representation of such things as a bird building her nest, laying her eggs, and so on. Some dramatic elements are also to be found in the Kati Puja rituals as mimetic acting also forms an important part of them. (Barua N. , Prantabasir Jhuli, 1954) For example, in that part of the rituals known as Kati-sijjan (birth of Kati), the young wife who offers the puja impersonates Kati’s mother. A pair of bananas and a pair each of areca nuts and betel leaves are made into a bundle with a piece of cloth and placed in her lap. The bundle is supposed to represent the foetus. The growth of the foetus from mouth to mouth is represented by the tying of a loose knot for each month, and the delivery of the baby by the unfastening of all the knots together with a pull. The bringing of the midwife to help in the delivery of the child, the bringing of a barber for the ceremonial removal of uncleanliness etc. are all gone through with the progress of the songs narrating these acts. The most interesting dramatic sequence comes in the Ag newa part of the rituals during which the agricultural operation is enacted through mime. A woman dressed up as a man simulates ploughing with an imaginary plough, two small girls on all fours taking the place of bullocks are lifted by a tiger upon which the ‘villagers’ come in a large group with weapons and rescue the bullocks. After that the operations like ploughing, weeding etc. are gone through. Then comes the ceremonial reaping. The woman for whom the blessings of a son is being sought, kneels down before the puja platform and cuts a sheaf of corn, earlier planted there, amidst the auspicious sounds made by the woman. After this comes the stimulation of thrashing, winnowing, storing, etc. Sometimes even the selling of the grain is enacted. There appears ‘upcountry’ trader to whom the grain is sold after much haggling and haggling. Last of all comes the Badul Hana part in which the women imitate, with small specially made bows and arrows, the action of chasing bats that are supposed to represent the enemies of the crops.
By Semi-Dramatic Institution we mean Dramatic Material Incorporated in Some Religious and Ritualistic Performances. For example, Padmapuran or Marai performances have much in common with the important folk-drama form: there is a leading singer (Mul or Gital) who carries a whisk. There are a number of assistants (Pail or Paila) who provide both the choric support and the musical accompaniment. And there is also the provision of breaks (bhangti) for dramatic dialogues between the leader and the principal assistant. But there is generally no regular acting, only some symbolic representations of episodes of the story. For example, Lakhindar’s death and his return to life are represented respectively by placing the whisk on the ground and then lifting it up. However, in the Marai-gan performances of south Goalpara, such dramatic representations are much more realistic and elaborate. For example, the return of the merchant Chando to his home after the disaster of his fleet is enacted, most vividly. A man made up as Chando with jute hair and beard appears on the stage. There ensures a scene in which the Deodhani takes up the role of Saneka. The discomfiture of Chando, who is most shabbily treated by Saneka as she fails to recognise him, provide much amusement to the audience. (T.C.Khakhlari) In some south Goalpara Marai performances, again, the Deodhani also gives mimetic representation of such things as a bird building her nest, laying her eggs, and so on. Some dramatic elements are also to be found in the Kati Puja rituals as mimetic acting also forms an important part of them. (Barua N. , Prantabasir Jhuli, 1954) For example, in that part of the rituals known as Kati-sijjan (birth of Kati), the young wife who offers the puja impersonates Kati’s mother. A pair of bananas and a pair each of areca nuts and betel leaves are made into a bundle with a piece of cloth and placed in her lap. The bundle is supposed to represent the foetus. The growth of the foetus from mouth to mouth is represented by the tying of a loose knot for each month, and the delivery of the baby by the unfastening of all the knots together with a pull. The bringing of the midwife to help in the delivery of the child, the bringing of a barber for the ceremonial removal of uncleanliness etc. are all gone through with the progress of the songs narrating these acts. The most interesting dramatic sequence comes in the Ag newa part of the rituals during which the agricultural operation is enacted through mime. A woman dressed up as a man simulates ploughing with an imaginary plough, two small girls on all fours taking the place of bullocks are lifted by a tiger upon which the ‘villagers’ come in a large group with weapons and rescue the bullocks. After that the operations like ploughing, weeding etc. are gone through. Then comes the ceremonial reaping. The woman for whom the blessings of a son is being sought, kneels down before the puja platform and cuts a sheaf of corn, earlier planted there, amidst the auspicious sounds made by the woman. After this comes the stimulation of thrashing, winnowing, storing, etc. Sometimes even the selling of the grain is enacted. There appears ‘upcountry’ trader to whom the grain is sold after much haggling and haggling. Last of all comes the Badul Hana part in which the women imitate, with small specially made bows and arrows, the action of chasing bats that are supposed to represent the enemies of the crops.
Tuesday, 19 May 2015
different styles of folk drama of goalpara
Different styles of Folk-drama of Goalpara
A very important ingredient of the cultural build-up of the region consists of the indigenous folk-plays. Not only are there full-scale dramatic performances popular in the different parts of the region, but there are also a number of other institutions that contain parts with a distinctly dramatic character. These latter can easily be identified as semi-dramatic institutions represent a distinctive art form which has been popular in this region since a long time past.
Of the two categories of dramatic institutions, the full-fledged folk-play is represented by the Kushan-gan, the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan, the Bhari-gan or Bhao-gan, etc. while the semi-dramatic elements are contained in the ritualistic mimetic performances connected with Padma-puran or Marai-gan, Kati Puja and Charak Puja, etc.
Kushan-gan
The most important as well as popular folk-plays of Goalpara are those that are known by the name Kushan-gan. The origin of the term Kushan is not known for certain. Different explanations are put forward: but the most plausible explanation is that it has been derived from Kusha, one of the two sons of Rama, who are said to have been the first singers of the Ramayana under Valamiki’s training. It is said that in the past the Kushan parties drew their themes exclusively from the Ramayana. Many people of the older generation still call it Raban-gan, Raban being a corruption from Ramayana. The argument in favour of the above explanation gains additional strength when we take note of the mode of presenting Kushan (or kushane) plays in North Bengal, where the practice is for two boys to take the main part in the singing of the narrative. The two boys are said to represent Lava and Kusha, recalling a very ancient mode of presenting the Ramayana.
Kushan plays are presented by semi-professional troupes consisting of about fifteen to twenty people, including grown up men and boys. These persons are generally drawn from peasantry. They are normally engaged in agriculture or some such occupation but train themselves during winter when they have plenty of free time and also the demand for such entertainment is great.
Every Kushan troupe is organised under a leader who is the principal singer, director and manager, all rolled into one. He is called Mul or Moul in some parts and Gital or Gidal in others. Of course, Mul or Moul is the term applied to the leading artist in any such singing or dramatic troupe. Gital or Gidal is also a general term to designate an expert singer. Sometimes a person who has distinguished himself as a leading Kushan artiste earns the title of Kushani.
Mul
The Mul or Gital in a Kushan play invariably carries during a performance a small one-stringed bowing instrument called Bena, with which he accompanies the singing. Bena-playing is such a distinguishing characteristic of Kushan plays that they are sometimes called Bena-ganDohari/ Dowari: Next to the Mul or Gital, the Dohari or Dowari performs the most important function in a Kushan paly. The term is obviously related to the term Dohar which in standard Assamese colloquial means an assistant singer or the chorus of a song. The function of the Dohari or Dowari in a Kushan play is to act as the principal assistant of the leader, and he has to adept at singing and dancing. Besides, the Dowari also helps the leader in conducting dramatic dialogues which he makes lively with his monespun humour. In fact, in the present form of the art, the most sought after quality in a Dowari is his capacity to make the people laugh by the introduction of humorous sequences, by witty dialogues or even by buffoonery. Often the Dowari dominates the show and t is not infrequently that a famous Dowari proves to be a greater draw than even a well-known Mul.
Pail
The Pails are the assistants (c.f. Assamese pali) of whom there are usually several in a troupe. Their main function is to provide the choral support to the singing of the Mul by repeating the refrain and to maintain the continuity in the singing of the narrative by putting in such pieces as a, ha etc. at the end of every movement. The chief among the Palis are the Diana Pail and the Bawa pail; the Daina Pail is the principal singing assistant while the Bawa pail’s normal function is to play small cymbals.
Chengra
Chengra in the local dialect means a boy, and the Chengras in a Kushan play, generally numbering four or five, are boys dressed as female dancers. They also take part in singing and occasionally in acting, when dramatic pieces with female characters are introduced.But their chief function is to dance, and usually they go on dancing almost throughout the performance.
Bain
A Bain or Bayen is an instrument-player, and Bains in a Kushan play provide instrumental accompaniment, chiefly with the Khol.
MODE OF PRESENTATION
A Kushan performance is generally organised on the occasion of a puja or some other ceremony. Kushan plays are big attractions at fairs held in connection with festivals especially during the winter months. The custom is for the organisers to arrange for a performance with the payment of some advance (Baina) to the troupe. Besides board and lodging, the party is paid an amount depending on the resources of the organisers and the popularity enjoyed by the troupe.
The performance generally a start late in the evening and sometimes continues throughout the night, the arrangement for lighting being made with high-powered lamps.
The Stage: a Kushan play needs no raised platform for a stage. It is usually takes place in a pandal put up in the open. At the centre of the pandal is kept a circular space called Asar where the Bains and the Pails sit. Also, when a performer has no particular function to perform, he takes his seat here. On the whole, the Asar serves as some sort of a green-room during a performance except for the make-up which is done earlier in any convenient place. The audience sits all around the Asar leaving a space of about six to eight cubi between the Asar and themselves. This ring-shaped space is the stage where the play is performed.
The performance starts with an invocation to Saraswati to grace the Asar and to bless the performance. The participating artists take their respective positions after making obeisance to the Asar and the assembly. This is called Asar-bandana and only after this is the play introduced.
First comes the Mul who, Bena in hand leads the singing while he keeps up a circular movement in the ring-shaped stage. Next to him comes the Dowari and last of all the Chengras; they all follow the Mul and give him support in the singing. While the Dowari and the Chengras maintain a dancing movement, the Mul himself maintains a relaxed and restrained posture. Although normally the movement of the group is towards one particular direction, at times the performers also move back ward and forward alternately. There is also variation in the speed which is normally slow; but occasionally the movement becomes faster and at particular moments the artistes are seen to circle the stage at a tremendous speed.
The story of the play mainly proceeds through the singing of narrative songs which, however, does not continue without pause. Every now and then there is a break or interlude of some kind or other in the narrative singing. Short breaks are sometimes meant for the introduction of some song and dance number. Frequently also there are short explanatory dialogues between the Mul and the Dowari. This is called Bhangti Dewa. Sometimes there are longer breaks with regular dramatic sequences in which the same set of artistes take apart in different roles. For example, in a play based on the story of Raja Harishchandra, the Mul may take the role of the Harishchandra’s father, the Dowari may become the king himself and one of the Chengras may appear as queen Shaibya, and so on. There is no set script for such a sequence and the acting is on the whole extempore although the overall pattern is previously arranged and some episode in the story of the play but the Dowari generally adds a comic touch to it. Sometimes he also presents, with the cooperation of others, purely farcical pieces. These dramatic breaks are called Ghat. Kushan performances in which there is a provision for regular acting with appropriate make up and other accessories are called Ghat-bandha Kushan.
Payar and Kemta: as mentioned above, the interpolation of short interludes into the narrative singing is often meant for song and dance numbers of which there are two types, Payar and Khemta. In fact payars are an adjunct of all long narrative songs. But in Kushan plays they constitute an additional attraction as their selection helps to project particular moods at particular points of the plays. There are various types of Payarsbut the majority of the popular Kushan Payars are those depicting love and yearning. Khemtas are on the other hand light and crisp songs of the Chatka type that are introduced to break the monotony of the narrative and to provide relief to the audience especially when the tempo of the performance seems to be sagging. Such songs generally have no links with the prevailing mood of the play and are accompanied by vigorous and even provocative dancing by the Chengras. The demand for a Khemta may even come from a bored and tired audience with such shouts as “let’s have Khemta, let’s have Khemta” and it is customary to respond to it. It is an excellent example of rapport between the artistes and the audience.
DRESS, MAKE-UP
Dress and make-up: The dress and make-up of a Kushan play are simple and unobtrusive. Generally the Mul wears a Dhoti of some length with its fore-part folded and hanging in front; he also has a shirt, and a wrapper, folded lengthwise around his neck, the two ends hanging on both sides in front. The Dowari has a shorter dhoti, worn in the fashion of an average peasant and a vest or a similar short-sleeved shirt. As he also acts as a clown he sometimes dons an outlandish headgear. The Mul and the Dowari, however, use no make-up. It is only the Chengras who are more or less elaborately and showily dressed and made-up. They wear a petticoat, veils and gaudy tinsel ornaments, apart from wigs and false breasts.
LANGUAGE
It is said that all the proceedings of a Kushan play were formerly conducted in the local dialects. However, the language used in much of the performance is often a patois of the local dialects and Bengali. This is particularly true of the narrative pieces and some of the dramatic dialogues. The comic scenes, however, are always in the local dialects; so are the Payars and Khemtas.
Pata-gan/Dotra-gan/Kechcha-gan
The Kushan is the most important of the folk-plays found in the Goalpara region not only because it is the most popular form of such plays but also because it is the archetype of a whole lot of traditional folk-plays of this region. Thus, Kushan is the genre that may be said to include sesveral other types of folk-plays. Particularly the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan has so much in common with Kushan that laymen generally use the single term, Kushan< to designate both the forms.
The points of difference between the Kushan plays and the Pala or Dotra-gan plays are subtle but significant:
(1) The theme of a Kushan play drawn from the epics and has atleast an indirect religious appeal. In a Pala or Dotra play, however, this religious aspect is absent and it is built up on a popular tale. A tale in the local dialect is called Kechcha (from Urdu Kissa, a story) and hence the name Kechcha-bandi. And since it also involves the recitation of a popular tale in a drama form, it is also called Pata-gan or Pata-bandi gan, the word Pala in the local dialect standing for a play.
(2) Another important difference between the Kushan and the Pala or Dotra paly is that while the playing of the one-stringed Benaby the leader is a peculiarity of the former, the leader of the latter has in its place a Dotra (or dotara). This is the reason why this particular type of plays has the alternative name Dotra-gan just to mark it out from the Kushan.
(3) There are also some differences in the modes of presentation, especially in the musical structures of the two forms.
But the on all other points such as the manner of compositions, the formation of the troupes, the different functionaries and their respective functions, the techniques of singing, dancing and acting, the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan form has practically no difference with the Kushan-gan form. There are the Mul, the Dowari, the Chengras and the Bains performing in the same manner, the same type of stage, a similar technique of singing the narratives and of ntroducing dramatic and musical braeks; even the dress and make-up are identical.
Khara-tali, Boisna-tali
The folk-plays, especially of the Kechcha-bandi type, may be presented in two different techniques. The first, known as Khara-tal or tali, involves the elaborate full-scale presentation as described above. In it the main players are on their feet (Khara standing), moving, dancing and gesticulating, and they are assisted by a number of other singers and instrumentalists. In the other technique all the inessential accessories like the Pails, the Bains and the Chengras are dispensed with. Only the Mul and the Dowari sing the narrative in the sitting posture, whence the name Boisna-tali (Bois = to sit). In the Boisna-tali form of presentation, there is no regular acting as in the other form, but the two singers occasionally break into dramatic dialogues.
It may be pointed out here that in the western parts of the region, the practice of presenting tales with musical and dramatic embellishments is very common. Every such tale is known as a Gan or Jatra but that does not mean that each represents a distinctive dramatic form. In fact, each follows the pattern of folk plays we have described above, with certain variations here and there. Thus, Nayanshari depicts the story of an unusual love-affair between a young widow and medicant, Manai Jatra narrates the story of two brothers, Manai and tanai, Char-jugi-gan is built upon the theme of the four stages of human life from infancy to old age, and so on. The material of some some of these are drawn from the Muslim society and often the artistes themselves belong to that community. Formerly, dramatic representation of Jari songs, narrating the story of Karbala, was common among the Muslims. The palying of the Shanai, besides the Khol and the Cymbals, used to be a speciality of these performances. Sometimes the Kushan style was also followed in presenting the story. Another Pala that used to be popular among the Muslims is Satyapir. But such performances are fast going out of practice and are seldom to be seen today.
Bhari-gan and Bhao-gan
In the southern and eastern parts of the region is found another type of folk-plays called Bhari-gan (in the south) (T.C.Khakhlari) or Bhao-gan (in the east). They are said to have been widely popular in these areas in the past. However, their popularity is at present at a low ebb and the whole institution is now in a moribund state. While Bhari-gan performances are still occasionally held insome villages in the south, particularly no Bhao-gan performances are to be seen in the east now-a-days.
The Bhari-gan plays also derive their themes from the epics. Here also there is a principal singer and a number of assistants, the former being known as Mul Gaoniya and the latter as Paila, pali or Dohariya. Here also the performance leans more heavily on narrative singing than on acting. In a Bhari-gan, the Gaoniya, with a whisk in his hand, leads the singing with appropriate steps and gestures and the dohariyas join in chorus and also provide the musical accompaniment. There is not much dialogue, while the story proceeds with the singing of songs and the characters have resort mainly to action and gesture. The comic scenes with humorous dialogues that are inserted from time generally have no link with the story of the play.
A striking feature of the Bhari plays is the use of masks by many characters. Some characters like Rama, Lakshmana and Sita are customarily not supposed to wear masks, whereas in case of such characters as Ravana, Hunuman and jambuvana masks are essential. We have already mentioned the Ketuas. They not only use an incongruous type of make-up but also wear the most odd0looking masks, and they indulge in all kinds of clownish pranks to make the people laugh. Sometimes the Ketuas enter the stage following Ravana carrying torches in their hands. The masks are made by the members of the troupes themselves with wood and tree-bark.
Another interesting feature of the Bhari plays is the awe and reverence with which those engaged in them regard the whole process. For example, the masks used in the plays are believed to be possessed by spirits and new masks are used only after formally worshipping goddess Kali. When not in use, the masks are kept in a house with care; and earthen lamps are regularly lighted in the house, failing which, it is believed, the spirit residing in the masks fight amongst themselves during the night. In some places, the faith in the sacredness of the institution is so deep-seated that no other performance except a Bhari-gan is allowed within the precincts of a Than (holy place) for fear of defiling its sancitity. It is also to be noted that in a Bhari-gan performance no modernistic furniture is used. For example, a king is given a wooden mortar to sit on and not a chair, as in a modern Jatra. Even kerosene oil is not used for lighting.
Although the etymology of the terms Bhari-gan and Bhao-gan is not definitely known, it is most likely that they are related to Bhaoriya and Bhao respectively. Bhaoriyas are professional song-and-drama performers popular in Kamrup and Darang, whose acting is known as Bhao. The relation between the Bhari-gan or Bhao-gan with the Bhaoriya troupes is suggested not only by the similarity of the sounds but also by the closeness of the forms which we discuss later in this chapter.
Goalani Jatra
This is another type of crude folk-play in which masks are freely used. These masks are made of the hard crust of the bottle-gourd.
The Goalani Jatra is by no means a regulr dramatic institution. There is neither any well-integrated story nor any standard mode of performance. It consists of some loosely-knit dramatic scenes among which the episodes of a milk-maid (goalani) occupy the place of importance. Hence the name Goalani Jatra. The following gives a rough idea about the nature of scenes that are enacted.
(1) Bherakanta is anxious to get married. The marriage takes place. But to his dismay and consternation he discovers that the bride is only a boy made up as a girl.
(2) A man comes to a household seeking a job and is engaged as a servant. He is not good at any of the household chores. But he claims that he knows the art of curing patients. A girl of the family has an unwanted pregnancy. The new servant helps her in having an abortion.
(3) The milkman and the milkmaid go to the dairy farm (bathan). They have an encounter with a Barkandaj, a petty official of the Zamindar. Then appears a buffalo-herd, Dotara in hand, and sings Moishali songs.
There are also other characters, both human and animal. The animal characters like the tiger, the bear and the buffalo are particularly interesting as they appear with masks. The actors have some sort of mutual understanding but the dialogues are by no means previously set and are practically impromptu.
Aside from these, two other forms of folk-drama, Leotani and Jusrir-gan, are said to have been prevalent in some parts of the region in the past but neither is alive today and practically nothing is definitely known about their nature. (Proceedings of Asom Sahitya Sabha- 39th session)
A very important ingredient of the cultural build-up of the region consists of the indigenous folk-plays. Not only are there full-scale dramatic performances popular in the different parts of the region, but there are also a number of other institutions that contain parts with a distinctly dramatic character. These latter can easily be identified as semi-dramatic institutions represent a distinctive art form which has been popular in this region since a long time past.
Of the two categories of dramatic institutions, the full-fledged folk-play is represented by the Kushan-gan, the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan, the Bhari-gan or Bhao-gan, etc. while the semi-dramatic elements are contained in the ritualistic mimetic performances connected with Padma-puran or Marai-gan, Kati Puja and Charak Puja, etc.
Kushan-gan
The most important as well as popular folk-plays of Goalpara are those that are known by the name Kushan-gan. The origin of the term Kushan is not known for certain. Different explanations are put forward: but the most plausible explanation is that it has been derived from Kusha, one of the two sons of Rama, who are said to have been the first singers of the Ramayana under Valamiki’s training. It is said that in the past the Kushan parties drew their themes exclusively from the Ramayana. Many people of the older generation still call it Raban-gan, Raban being a corruption from Ramayana. The argument in favour of the above explanation gains additional strength when we take note of the mode of presenting Kushan (or kushane) plays in North Bengal, where the practice is for two boys to take the main part in the singing of the narrative. The two boys are said to represent Lava and Kusha, recalling a very ancient mode of presenting the Ramayana.
Kushan plays are presented by semi-professional troupes consisting of about fifteen to twenty people, including grown up men and boys. These persons are generally drawn from peasantry. They are normally engaged in agriculture or some such occupation but train themselves during winter when they have plenty of free time and also the demand for such entertainment is great.
Every Kushan troupe is organised under a leader who is the principal singer, director and manager, all rolled into one. He is called Mul or Moul in some parts and Gital or Gidal in others. Of course, Mul or Moul is the term applied to the leading artist in any such singing or dramatic troupe. Gital or Gidal is also a general term to designate an expert singer. Sometimes a person who has distinguished himself as a leading Kushan artiste earns the title of Kushani.
Mul
The Mul or Gital in a Kushan play invariably carries during a performance a small one-stringed bowing instrument called Bena, with which he accompanies the singing. Bena-playing is such a distinguishing characteristic of Kushan plays that they are sometimes called Bena-ganDohari/ Dowari: Next to the Mul or Gital, the Dohari or Dowari performs the most important function in a Kushan paly. The term is obviously related to the term Dohar which in standard Assamese colloquial means an assistant singer or the chorus of a song. The function of the Dohari or Dowari in a Kushan play is to act as the principal assistant of the leader, and he has to adept at singing and dancing. Besides, the Dowari also helps the leader in conducting dramatic dialogues which he makes lively with his monespun humour. In fact, in the present form of the art, the most sought after quality in a Dowari is his capacity to make the people laugh by the introduction of humorous sequences, by witty dialogues or even by buffoonery. Often the Dowari dominates the show and t is not infrequently that a famous Dowari proves to be a greater draw than even a well-known Mul.
Pail
The Pails are the assistants (c.f. Assamese pali) of whom there are usually several in a troupe. Their main function is to provide the choral support to the singing of the Mul by repeating the refrain and to maintain the continuity in the singing of the narrative by putting in such pieces as a, ha etc. at the end of every movement. The chief among the Palis are the Diana Pail and the Bawa pail; the Daina Pail is the principal singing assistant while the Bawa pail’s normal function is to play small cymbals.
Chengra
Chengra in the local dialect means a boy, and the Chengras in a Kushan play, generally numbering four or five, are boys dressed as female dancers. They also take part in singing and occasionally in acting, when dramatic pieces with female characters are introduced.But their chief function is to dance, and usually they go on dancing almost throughout the performance.
Bain
A Bain or Bayen is an instrument-player, and Bains in a Kushan play provide instrumental accompaniment, chiefly with the Khol.
MODE OF PRESENTATION
A Kushan performance is generally organised on the occasion of a puja or some other ceremony. Kushan plays are big attractions at fairs held in connection with festivals especially during the winter months. The custom is for the organisers to arrange for a performance with the payment of some advance (Baina) to the troupe. Besides board and lodging, the party is paid an amount depending on the resources of the organisers and the popularity enjoyed by the troupe.
The performance generally a start late in the evening and sometimes continues throughout the night, the arrangement for lighting being made with high-powered lamps.
The Stage: a Kushan play needs no raised platform for a stage. It is usually takes place in a pandal put up in the open. At the centre of the pandal is kept a circular space called Asar where the Bains and the Pails sit. Also, when a performer has no particular function to perform, he takes his seat here. On the whole, the Asar serves as some sort of a green-room during a performance except for the make-up which is done earlier in any convenient place. The audience sits all around the Asar leaving a space of about six to eight cubi between the Asar and themselves. This ring-shaped space is the stage where the play is performed.
The performance starts with an invocation to Saraswati to grace the Asar and to bless the performance. The participating artists take their respective positions after making obeisance to the Asar and the assembly. This is called Asar-bandana and only after this is the play introduced.
First comes the Mul who, Bena in hand leads the singing while he keeps up a circular movement in the ring-shaped stage. Next to him comes the Dowari and last of all the Chengras; they all follow the Mul and give him support in the singing. While the Dowari and the Chengras maintain a dancing movement, the Mul himself maintains a relaxed and restrained posture. Although normally the movement of the group is towards one particular direction, at times the performers also move back ward and forward alternately. There is also variation in the speed which is normally slow; but occasionally the movement becomes faster and at particular moments the artistes are seen to circle the stage at a tremendous speed.
The story of the play mainly proceeds through the singing of narrative songs which, however, does not continue without pause. Every now and then there is a break or interlude of some kind or other in the narrative singing. Short breaks are sometimes meant for the introduction of some song and dance number. Frequently also there are short explanatory dialogues between the Mul and the Dowari. This is called Bhangti Dewa. Sometimes there are longer breaks with regular dramatic sequences in which the same set of artistes take apart in different roles. For example, in a play based on the story of Raja Harishchandra, the Mul may take the role of the Harishchandra’s father, the Dowari may become the king himself and one of the Chengras may appear as queen Shaibya, and so on. There is no set script for such a sequence and the acting is on the whole extempore although the overall pattern is previously arranged and some episode in the story of the play but the Dowari generally adds a comic touch to it. Sometimes he also presents, with the cooperation of others, purely farcical pieces. These dramatic breaks are called Ghat. Kushan performances in which there is a provision for regular acting with appropriate make up and other accessories are called Ghat-bandha Kushan.
Payar and Kemta: as mentioned above, the interpolation of short interludes into the narrative singing is often meant for song and dance numbers of which there are two types, Payar and Khemta. In fact payars are an adjunct of all long narrative songs. But in Kushan plays they constitute an additional attraction as their selection helps to project particular moods at particular points of the plays. There are various types of Payarsbut the majority of the popular Kushan Payars are those depicting love and yearning. Khemtas are on the other hand light and crisp songs of the Chatka type that are introduced to break the monotony of the narrative and to provide relief to the audience especially when the tempo of the performance seems to be sagging. Such songs generally have no links with the prevailing mood of the play and are accompanied by vigorous and even provocative dancing by the Chengras. The demand for a Khemta may even come from a bored and tired audience with such shouts as “let’s have Khemta, let’s have Khemta” and it is customary to respond to it. It is an excellent example of rapport between the artistes and the audience.
DRESS, MAKE-UP
Dress and make-up: The dress and make-up of a Kushan play are simple and unobtrusive. Generally the Mul wears a Dhoti of some length with its fore-part folded and hanging in front; he also has a shirt, and a wrapper, folded lengthwise around his neck, the two ends hanging on both sides in front. The Dowari has a shorter dhoti, worn in the fashion of an average peasant and a vest or a similar short-sleeved shirt. As he also acts as a clown he sometimes dons an outlandish headgear. The Mul and the Dowari, however, use no make-up. It is only the Chengras who are more or less elaborately and showily dressed and made-up. They wear a petticoat, veils and gaudy tinsel ornaments, apart from wigs and false breasts.
LANGUAGE
It is said that all the proceedings of a Kushan play were formerly conducted in the local dialects. However, the language used in much of the performance is often a patois of the local dialects and Bengali. This is particularly true of the narrative pieces and some of the dramatic dialogues. The comic scenes, however, are always in the local dialects; so are the Payars and Khemtas.
Pata-gan/Dotra-gan/Kechcha-gan
The Kushan is the most important of the folk-plays found in the Goalpara region not only because it is the most popular form of such plays but also because it is the archetype of a whole lot of traditional folk-plays of this region. Thus, Kushan is the genre that may be said to include sesveral other types of folk-plays. Particularly the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan has so much in common with Kushan that laymen generally use the single term, Kushan< to designate both the forms.
The points of difference between the Kushan plays and the Pala or Dotra-gan plays are subtle but significant:
(1) The theme of a Kushan play drawn from the epics and has atleast an indirect religious appeal. In a Pala or Dotra play, however, this religious aspect is absent and it is built up on a popular tale. A tale in the local dialect is called Kechcha (from Urdu Kissa, a story) and hence the name Kechcha-bandi. And since it also involves the recitation of a popular tale in a drama form, it is also called Pata-gan or Pata-bandi gan, the word Pala in the local dialect standing for a play.
(2) Another important difference between the Kushan and the Pala or Dotra paly is that while the playing of the one-stringed Benaby the leader is a peculiarity of the former, the leader of the latter has in its place a Dotra (or dotara). This is the reason why this particular type of plays has the alternative name Dotra-gan just to mark it out from the Kushan.
(3) There are also some differences in the modes of presentation, especially in the musical structures of the two forms.
But the on all other points such as the manner of compositions, the formation of the troupes, the different functionaries and their respective functions, the techniques of singing, dancing and acting, the Pala-gan or Dotra-gan form has practically no difference with the Kushan-gan form. There are the Mul, the Dowari, the Chengras and the Bains performing in the same manner, the same type of stage, a similar technique of singing the narratives and of ntroducing dramatic and musical braeks; even the dress and make-up are identical.
Khara-tali, Boisna-tali
The folk-plays, especially of the Kechcha-bandi type, may be presented in two different techniques. The first, known as Khara-tal or tali, involves the elaborate full-scale presentation as described above. In it the main players are on their feet (Khara standing), moving, dancing and gesticulating, and they are assisted by a number of other singers and instrumentalists. In the other technique all the inessential accessories like the Pails, the Bains and the Chengras are dispensed with. Only the Mul and the Dowari sing the narrative in the sitting posture, whence the name Boisna-tali (Bois = to sit). In the Boisna-tali form of presentation, there is no regular acting as in the other form, but the two singers occasionally break into dramatic dialogues.
It may be pointed out here that in the western parts of the region, the practice of presenting tales with musical and dramatic embellishments is very common. Every such tale is known as a Gan or Jatra but that does not mean that each represents a distinctive dramatic form. In fact, each follows the pattern of folk plays we have described above, with certain variations here and there. Thus, Nayanshari depicts the story of an unusual love-affair between a young widow and medicant, Manai Jatra narrates the story of two brothers, Manai and tanai, Char-jugi-gan is built upon the theme of the four stages of human life from infancy to old age, and so on. The material of some some of these are drawn from the Muslim society and often the artistes themselves belong to that community. Formerly, dramatic representation of Jari songs, narrating the story of Karbala, was common among the Muslims. The palying of the Shanai, besides the Khol and the Cymbals, used to be a speciality of these performances. Sometimes the Kushan style was also followed in presenting the story. Another Pala that used to be popular among the Muslims is Satyapir. But such performances are fast going out of practice and are seldom to be seen today.
Bhari-gan and Bhao-gan
In the southern and eastern parts of the region is found another type of folk-plays called Bhari-gan (in the south) (T.C.Khakhlari) or Bhao-gan (in the east). They are said to have been widely popular in these areas in the past. However, their popularity is at present at a low ebb and the whole institution is now in a moribund state. While Bhari-gan performances are still occasionally held insome villages in the south, particularly no Bhao-gan performances are to be seen in the east now-a-days.
The Bhari-gan plays also derive their themes from the epics. Here also there is a principal singer and a number of assistants, the former being known as Mul Gaoniya and the latter as Paila, pali or Dohariya. Here also the performance leans more heavily on narrative singing than on acting. In a Bhari-gan, the Gaoniya, with a whisk in his hand, leads the singing with appropriate steps and gestures and the dohariyas join in chorus and also provide the musical accompaniment. There is not much dialogue, while the story proceeds with the singing of songs and the characters have resort mainly to action and gesture. The comic scenes with humorous dialogues that are inserted from time generally have no link with the story of the play.
A striking feature of the Bhari plays is the use of masks by many characters. Some characters like Rama, Lakshmana and Sita are customarily not supposed to wear masks, whereas in case of such characters as Ravana, Hunuman and jambuvana masks are essential. We have already mentioned the Ketuas. They not only use an incongruous type of make-up but also wear the most odd0looking masks, and they indulge in all kinds of clownish pranks to make the people laugh. Sometimes the Ketuas enter the stage following Ravana carrying torches in their hands. The masks are made by the members of the troupes themselves with wood and tree-bark.
Another interesting feature of the Bhari plays is the awe and reverence with which those engaged in them regard the whole process. For example, the masks used in the plays are believed to be possessed by spirits and new masks are used only after formally worshipping goddess Kali. When not in use, the masks are kept in a house with care; and earthen lamps are regularly lighted in the house, failing which, it is believed, the spirit residing in the masks fight amongst themselves during the night. In some places, the faith in the sacredness of the institution is so deep-seated that no other performance except a Bhari-gan is allowed within the precincts of a Than (holy place) for fear of defiling its sancitity. It is also to be noted that in a Bhari-gan performance no modernistic furniture is used. For example, a king is given a wooden mortar to sit on and not a chair, as in a modern Jatra. Even kerosene oil is not used for lighting.
Although the etymology of the terms Bhari-gan and Bhao-gan is not definitely known, it is most likely that they are related to Bhaoriya and Bhao respectively. Bhaoriyas are professional song-and-drama performers popular in Kamrup and Darang, whose acting is known as Bhao. The relation between the Bhari-gan or Bhao-gan with the Bhaoriya troupes is suggested not only by the similarity of the sounds but also by the closeness of the forms which we discuss later in this chapter.
Goalani Jatra
This is another type of crude folk-play in which masks are freely used. These masks are made of the hard crust of the bottle-gourd.
The Goalani Jatra is by no means a regulr dramatic institution. There is neither any well-integrated story nor any standard mode of performance. It consists of some loosely-knit dramatic scenes among which the episodes of a milk-maid (goalani) occupy the place of importance. Hence the name Goalani Jatra. The following gives a rough idea about the nature of scenes that are enacted.
(1) Bherakanta is anxious to get married. The marriage takes place. But to his dismay and consternation he discovers that the bride is only a boy made up as a girl.
(2) A man comes to a household seeking a job and is engaged as a servant. He is not good at any of the household chores. But he claims that he knows the art of curing patients. A girl of the family has an unwanted pregnancy. The new servant helps her in having an abortion.
(3) The milkman and the milkmaid go to the dairy farm (bathan). They have an encounter with a Barkandaj, a petty official of the Zamindar. Then appears a buffalo-herd, Dotara in hand, and sings Moishali songs.
There are also other characters, both human and animal. The animal characters like the tiger, the bear and the buffalo are particularly interesting as they appear with masks. The actors have some sort of mutual understanding but the dialogues are by no means previously set and are practically impromptu.
Aside from these, two other forms of folk-drama, Leotani and Jusrir-gan, are said to have been prevalent in some parts of the region in the past but neither is alive today and practically nothing is definitely known about their nature. (Proceedings of Asom Sahitya Sabha- 39th session)
major contributors of goalparia lokogeet
The major contributors of goalparia lokogeet
Born in 1905, Niharbala was commonly known as “ Baro Rajkumari” (eldest princess) among the local people. From the very early days of her life, she closely observed the ethnic culture of the low caste people, especially the Koch Rajbongshis, the mahouts, the cultivators, etc. The literate and elite people of those days considered the culture of the people as low standard. Beggars and poor proplr often came to the Raj Mahal for help and food; they sang and danced for the enjoyment of the royal people. Little Niharbala listened raptly to their songs and followed their dance moves. “Nihar, What are you doing/ these are not part of the royal family’s culture. Give them up.” (Chakraborty, 2015) She was admonished. But she continued practising. Her efforts later gave Goalparia culture its identity among the literate and elite classes. She proved that low caste people may be poor and illiterate, but they are definitely not uncultured. They have their own unique culture, which has been handed to them down the generations. Its original and closely related to their lifestyle.
Niharbala spent a lot of time in Santiniketan, where she met Kaviguru Rabindranath Tagore and the noted academician Sukumar Sen. With their advice and encouragement, she started writing articles on Goalparia Cultural aspects in reputed journals like Desh, Parichoy and Biswabharati. Later, she even wrote a book Prantabashir Jhuli, which is a collection of her articles regarding the cultural aspects of the undivided Goalpara district. Till date, it is considered a valuable document of Assamese folk culture.
Niharbala was the paternal aunt of Pratima Barua Pandey, the noted goalparia folk singer of Assam who learnt Goalparia songs from her Niharbala Pehi at a very early age. Pratima Barua Pandey was born on October 3, 1935, in Calcutta. She pursued her early education in the city’s Gokhale Memorial School, after which she came to Assam to study at the Girls’ High School, Gauripur, home of the royal family. She mostly spent her early years in between the din of Calcutta and the soothing environments of riverside "Gadadhar" at Gauripur. Although she learned Rabindrasangeet at school, but she never took any formal training or teaching in music except the encouraging words from her father Prakritesh Chandra Barua (Lalji). The most crucial point in her life came when Dr. Bhupen Hazarika visited Gauripur in 1955 and attended a jalsa organised on a social occasion, the shy young Pratima, though tongue-tied with fear, let her voice and the lyrics of the lokageet in Goalpariya dialect flow in tune with the strings and rhythms of the dhol, junuka, dotora, darinda, dhuluki and Bashi which are musical instruments in Goalpariya culture. Dr. Hazarika was highly impressed and predicted that this voice would definitely take Goalpariya lokageet to great heights. Indeed, he first presented Goalpariyafolk song in his filmEra Bator Sur. Besides the mahout songs, Barua Pandey used to sing Paul Robeson’s evergreen hit We are in the same boat brother in stage shows. She married to Gauri Shankar Pandey, a retired principal of the Gauripur P. B. College.
Pratima Barua Pandey was awarded the Padmashree and Sangeet Natak Akademi for her pioneering efforts in popularising Goalpariya lokageet. A documentary film made on her life and works by noted filmmaker Prabin Hazarika, Hastir Kanya, won national award for best biographical film in 1997, earned great appreciation and created waves at the South Asia film festival in 1998. (Wikipedia)
Our music has been over-looked", Barua's brother told us, as the musicians took a short break, "The tourism industry favours upper Assam; and television never comes here."
It was Bhupen Hazarika, the great doyen of Assamese music, who discovered Barua and gave her the moral and publicity boost she needed to make her art sustainable and reach beyond
her region. (Batabyal)
The year 1955. Legendery music maestro Dr. Bhupen Hazarika went to Gauripur, the heartland of Goalparia music, on invitation by Alokesh Barua, son of Legendary Pramtesh Barua. A musical evening was organised at Rajbari. Bhupen Hazarika and several other local artistes sang songs. Then father of Pratima Barua Pandey asked her to sing some Deshi songs. She got nervous because she was quite unknown at that time. However, she sang a few songs. Hazarika got spell bound to hear her voice and amazing songs. He decided to use her voice in his forthcoming coming debut film “Era Bator Sur”. Then came “Mahut Bandhure” which made her singing star. Thus Bhupen Hazarika’s contribution in establishing her talent and the beauty of Goalparia Folk song was immense.
Other whose contributions are worth mentioning are Siben Mondal, Dr. Birendranath Dutta, Rudra Barua, Purusattam Das, Nikhilesh Barua and many others.
Born in 1905, Niharbala was commonly known as “ Baro Rajkumari” (eldest princess) among the local people. From the very early days of her life, she closely observed the ethnic culture of the low caste people, especially the Koch Rajbongshis, the mahouts, the cultivators, etc. The literate and elite people of those days considered the culture of the people as low standard. Beggars and poor proplr often came to the Raj Mahal for help and food; they sang and danced for the enjoyment of the royal people. Little Niharbala listened raptly to their songs and followed their dance moves. “Nihar, What are you doing/ these are not part of the royal family’s culture. Give them up.” (Chakraborty, 2015) She was admonished. But she continued practising. Her efforts later gave Goalparia culture its identity among the literate and elite classes. She proved that low caste people may be poor and illiterate, but they are definitely not uncultured. They have their own unique culture, which has been handed to them down the generations. Its original and closely related to their lifestyle.
Niharbala spent a lot of time in Santiniketan, where she met Kaviguru Rabindranath Tagore and the noted academician Sukumar Sen. With their advice and encouragement, she started writing articles on Goalparia Cultural aspects in reputed journals like Desh, Parichoy and Biswabharati. Later, she even wrote a book Prantabashir Jhuli, which is a collection of her articles regarding the cultural aspects of the undivided Goalpara district. Till date, it is considered a valuable document of Assamese folk culture.
Niharbala was the paternal aunt of Pratima Barua Pandey, the noted goalparia folk singer of Assam who learnt Goalparia songs from her Niharbala Pehi at a very early age. Pratima Barua Pandey was born on October 3, 1935, in Calcutta. She pursued her early education in the city’s Gokhale Memorial School, after which she came to Assam to study at the Girls’ High School, Gauripur, home of the royal family. She mostly spent her early years in between the din of Calcutta and the soothing environments of riverside "Gadadhar" at Gauripur. Although she learned Rabindrasangeet at school, but she never took any formal training or teaching in music except the encouraging words from her father Prakritesh Chandra Barua (Lalji). The most crucial point in her life came when Dr. Bhupen Hazarika visited Gauripur in 1955 and attended a jalsa organised on a social occasion, the shy young Pratima, though tongue-tied with fear, let her voice and the lyrics of the lokageet in Goalpariya dialect flow in tune with the strings and rhythms of the dhol, junuka, dotora, darinda, dhuluki and Bashi which are musical instruments in Goalpariya culture. Dr. Hazarika was highly impressed and predicted that this voice would definitely take Goalpariya lokageet to great heights. Indeed, he first presented Goalpariyafolk song in his filmEra Bator Sur. Besides the mahout songs, Barua Pandey used to sing Paul Robeson’s evergreen hit We are in the same boat brother in stage shows. She married to Gauri Shankar Pandey, a retired principal of the Gauripur P. B. College.
Pratima Barua Pandey was awarded the Padmashree and Sangeet Natak Akademi for her pioneering efforts in popularising Goalpariya lokageet. A documentary film made on her life and works by noted filmmaker Prabin Hazarika, Hastir Kanya, won national award for best biographical film in 1997, earned great appreciation and created waves at the South Asia film festival in 1998. (Wikipedia)
Our music has been over-looked", Barua's brother told us, as the musicians took a short break, "The tourism industry favours upper Assam; and television never comes here."
It was Bhupen Hazarika, the great doyen of Assamese music, who discovered Barua and gave her the moral and publicity boost she needed to make her art sustainable and reach beyond
her region. (Batabyal)
The year 1955. Legendery music maestro Dr. Bhupen Hazarika went to Gauripur, the heartland of Goalparia music, on invitation by Alokesh Barua, son of Legendary Pramtesh Barua. A musical evening was organised at Rajbari. Bhupen Hazarika and several other local artistes sang songs. Then father of Pratima Barua Pandey asked her to sing some Deshi songs. She got nervous because she was quite unknown at that time. However, she sang a few songs. Hazarika got spell bound to hear her voice and amazing songs. He decided to use her voice in his forthcoming coming debut film “Era Bator Sur”. Then came “Mahut Bandhure” which made her singing star. Thus Bhupen Hazarika’s contribution in establishing her talent and the beauty of Goalparia Folk song was immense.
Other whose contributions are worth mentioning are Siben Mondal, Dr. Birendranath Dutta, Rudra Barua, Purusattam Das, Nikhilesh Barua and many others.
godadhorer pare pare re- the journey of goakparia folk songs
The journey of Goalparia lokogeet
The undivided Goalpara district is situated on the western part of Assam started: as a Sentinel. The region is highly rich in cultural heritage. Although the old district of Goalpara has been split into a number of districts the homogenous- cultural entity of the region remains the same as before. One of the most valuable treasures of the cultural aspect of this region is the folk songs known as Goalparia lokgeet occupies special place in the field of cultural heritage. It is intimately conducted with the various socio-cultural activities. Folk music is the primary artistic expression of human mind while participating in different activities like hunting, fishing and agricultural pursuits.
The folk music formed an important part limb of all festivities and sung by both men and women alike with great delight. Folk songs and drama are like a mirror in which the traditional life cycle of the peoples are refluxed.
The folk songs are unwritten and their composers are unidentified. This folk songs have been flowing orally since time immemorial. Though ancient its musical and lyrical qualities are not lost and its appeal still relevant in the present day context. In this context the name of Rajkumari Niharbala Barua an accomplished ethno musicologist, daughter of Raja Probhat Chandra Barua and sister of P.C.Barua, doyen of Indian Cinema who deserve mention for her sincere and valuable contribution on the different aspects of the art and culture of the district. In this connection it’s relevant to mention that the folk songs which was then considered as the rustic songs by the so called Bharalok class. It is to be noted here that the folk songs and drama are the part of Goalparia dialect. The characteristic of Goalparia is that it is a composite one into which words of different concerns and regions have been interfered. In a word this dialect is the result of intermingling.
The undivided Goalpara district is situated on the western part of Assam started: as a Sentinel. The region is highly rich in cultural heritage. Although the old district of Goalpara has been split into a number of districts the homogenous- cultural entity of the region remains the same as before. One of the most valuable treasures of the cultural aspect of this region is the folk songs known as Goalparia lokgeet occupies special place in the field of cultural heritage. It is intimately conducted with the various socio-cultural activities. Folk music is the primary artistic expression of human mind while participating in different activities like hunting, fishing and agricultural pursuits.
The folk music formed an important part limb of all festivities and sung by both men and women alike with great delight. Folk songs and drama are like a mirror in which the traditional life cycle of the peoples are refluxed.
The folk songs are unwritten and their composers are unidentified. This folk songs have been flowing orally since time immemorial. Though ancient its musical and lyrical qualities are not lost and its appeal still relevant in the present day context. In this context the name of Rajkumari Niharbala Barua an accomplished ethno musicologist, daughter of Raja Probhat Chandra Barua and sister of P.C.Barua, doyen of Indian Cinema who deserve mention for her sincere and valuable contribution on the different aspects of the art and culture of the district. In this connection it’s relevant to mention that the folk songs which was then considered as the rustic songs by the so called Bharalok class. It is to be noted here that the folk songs and drama are the part of Goalparia dialect. The characteristic of Goalparia is that it is a composite one into which words of different concerns and regions have been interfered. In a word this dialect is the result of intermingling.
alvida section 66a
Alvida!!! SECTIon 66a
Villainous law is gone. Hope it doesn’t return
The Supreme Court's decision to strike down Section 66A of the Information and Technology Act, 2000, marks a major victory for free speech in this country. The section militated against the principles that lie at the core of our democratic nation and threatened the rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution.
Since it was incorporated into the IT Act in 2008, Section 66A had been repeatedly used to scuttle dissenting voices on the Internet and had become a convenient tool for politicians to lash out, not just at critics, but just about anyone who expressed an opinion or shared a fact that they found inconvenient. In fact, the public was being so harassed that, in May 2013, the Supreme Court had to intervene and advise that arrests could only be made with the permission of a senior-level police officer.
On Tuesday, the Supreme Court pointed out two major flaws with Section 66A. First, that it was poorly worded. Section 66A prescribes a maximum jail term of three years for anybody who sends an electronic message (an SMS, a Facebook post, a tweet etc) that could be seen by another as “grossly offensive” or having “menacing character” or even merely “causing annoyance”.
The Section did not define any of these terms, leaving them open to interpretation and abuse. Moreover, the rights to offend and annoy, irk and oppose are all parts of the larger free speech guarantee. If these are not protected by law, the Right to Freedom of Speech and Expression has no meaning. In this context, some may point out, and rightly so, that Article 19(2) does impose certain “reasonable restrictions” on free speech.
But let us not forget that even for these “reasonable restrictions” to apply, the matter at hand must pass two tests. The contentious text or speech or post must pose a clear and present danger to public safety, and it must have a tendency to create public disorder. Section 66A did not incorporate either of these checks and balances. This was its second major flaw.
To understand the kind of damage that Section 66A had the potential to cause, one only needs to go through some of the cases in which it has been invoked. At the top of the list is the 2012 case of Shaheen Dhada and Rinu Srinivasan, who were arrested from Palghar in Thane district for criticising the shutdown of Mumbai following Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray's death.
Based on this case, Ms Shreya Singhal filed a public interest litigation against Section 66A, which led to the law being stuck down. There have been many other cases too. A university professor who shared cartoons of West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and a high school student who recently commented against Uttar Pradesh Minister Azam Khan, had to face the police brunt on account of Section 66A.
That said, given the tremendous power of social media and the Internet in general, there is also a case to be made for regulating and monitoring forums of mass communication. Additionally, laws are also required to protect the people and the state from cyber crimes and attacks. However, these rules and laws should be framed in a manner that does not impinge on the freedoms that the Constitution of India provides.
maan ki baat..... dastan-e-facebook
maan ki baat ...
experiences of Facebook
Ever since its inception in 2004 facebook has been a revolution, touching and changing the lives of every modern day citizen. In recent times if you don't have a facebook account then you will be regarded as an outdated person.
Me and facebook have been together since 2010. As always i was late in getting my introduce to Facebook. My first meeting with Facebook was not very smooth. Initially i found it very complicated as i was using orkut(may his soul rests in peace) back then. So i avoided being online for long though even today um very inactive, but somehow make up some time for it in a week.
Now let's get Back to business...
This post that I'm making is the introduction of a series of posts... where I will be sharing some of my interesting, fun filled, emotional and moments involving at least 50 shades of life and partnership with Facebook....
Till then stay tuned....
experiences of Facebook
Ever since its inception in 2004 facebook has been a revolution, touching and changing the lives of every modern day citizen. In recent times if you don't have a facebook account then you will be regarded as an outdated person.
Me and facebook have been together since 2010. As always i was late in getting my introduce to Facebook. My first meeting with Facebook was not very smooth. Initially i found it very complicated as i was using orkut(may his soul rests in peace) back then. So i avoided being online for long though even today um very inactive, but somehow make up some time for it in a week.
Now let's get Back to business...
This post that I'm making is the introduction of a series of posts... where I will be sharing some of my interesting, fun filled, emotional and moments involving at least 50 shades of life and partnership with Facebook....
Till then stay tuned....
selfie approach
Selfie approach........
Selfie in modern times is a world wide phenomenon. Taking selfie has become a trend. Mostly popular(not generalizing though) among the LADIES, and seeing the growing craze this year during the social week of our university viz. Auskriti'15, a selfie queen contest was organized and the response was overwhelming.
Selfie approach has also brought a culture of making different faces while taking the selfie. Few common faces are pouts, pig face and duck face.
Selfie in modern times is a world wide phenomenon. Taking selfie has become a trend. Mostly popular(not generalizing though) among the LADIES, and seeing the growing craze this year during the social week of our university viz. Auskriti'15, a selfie queen contest was organized and the response was overwhelming.
Selfie approach has also brought a culture of making different faces while taking the selfie. Few common faces are pouts, pig face and duck face.
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